Two candidates remain in French presidential election, and both support abortion laws

Two candidates remain in French presidential election, and both support abortion laws

Jeanne Smits, Paris correspondent

PARIS, France, April 26, 2017 (LifeSiteNews) — The first round of the French presidential election has come and gone, leaving the country in a quandary.

Out of 11 contenders, no candidate received a majority, leaving the finalists for a May 7 run-off as the indefinable Emmanuel Macron (24.01 percent) and nationalist Marine Le Pen (21.3 percent).

Mainstream right-wing candidate François Fillon (20.01 percent) and Communist Jean-Luc Mélenchon (19.58 percent) fell short.

The vote was incredibly close, with a large proportion of voters remaining undecided practically up to the last day. What makes the situation difficult is that Le Pen, who represents a lesser evil from the pro-life point of view and who also stands for the protection of France’s frontiers and identity, will be hard pressed to obtain a majority against Macron. He already has the support of Fillon and can count on votes from the political left and center – even though many Fillon voters will probably prefer Marine to Macron.

Macron was in fact so certain of reaching the Elysée palace – the French president’s official Paris residence – after the first round of voting that his election night address was for all intents and purposes a victory speech. It is indeed the likeliest scenario, but stranger things have happened.

What’s certain is that the election of Macron would leave France firmly on the rails established by the outgoing president, socialist François Hollande, under whose reign same-sex “marriage” was made legal, abortion “rights” were reinforced and euthanasia by stealth became a right for all in the form of terminal sedation.

Far from being an outsider standing up for renewal, as the mainstream press presented him, Macron is an establishment figure through and through. Hollande gave Macron, a former Economy minister in Hollande’s government, his discreet support during the campaign while the official socialist party candidate, Benoît Hamon, was dropped by many of his colleagues in favor of Macron. Hamon ended up with a miserable 6.36 percent last Sunday night.

Macron himself has followed the well-worn track to power in France, studying at the School of Political Science and – like Hollande – obtaining his diploma from the “Ecole nationale d’administration,” which prepares brilliant students for the highest offices of the government. He also worked for several years as a well-paid investment banker for Rothschild before joining Hollande’s inner circle in 2012. Last year, Macron formed his own party that blends left and right policies.

Macron has always been close to Jacques Attali, a left-wing economist who has counseled French presidents or future presidents since 1973, including socialist François Mitterrand, liberal Nicolas Sarkozy, and Hollande. Macron invited Attali to a private dinner with his closest collaborators last Sunday after his first-round win.

Attali is a proponent of “unisex humanity,” calling the legalization of same-sex “marriage” an “anecdote of no importance” and announcing that humanity is slowly advancing toward a state where “men and women will be equal in all aspects, including that of procreation that will no longer be the privilege, or the burden of women.” And babies, he says, will be made “alone or with others, without physical relations, without anyone carrying them.” In 1981, he wrote: “Euthanasia will be a key instrument of our future societies.”

What Attali whispers in Macron’s ear is crucially important, because on many points Macron seems to have no thoughts at all, or at least he didn’t express them clearly during his presidential campaign. Its vacuity was a talking point in social media and appears to have found an echo in the minds of many after years of indoctrination in state-controlled schools and in the mainstream media.

Macron does stand clearly for abortion “rights,” “gay” marriage and LGBT rights as well as artificial procreation for lesbian couples. He is ambiguous about surrogate motherhood, which he might ban in France, but without taking measures to prevent couples from “importing” babies from countries where it is legal. He even wants to make sure the procedure is not “badly paid” instead of promoting an international ban on this modern form of slavery.

Macron has no opinion on euthanasia, except that it is urgent in his view to fully implement the present stealth law. As to parental rights and education, his “participative” platform says little. He speaks only of the public schools whose common core promotes “Green” values, abortion and contraception, and leaves high school students clueless as to the course of history and often incapable of reading and writing correctly.

Macron has made it clear on the other hand that he favors immigration at a time when France, like the rest of the European Union, is being flooded with mostly Islamic African and Middle-Eastern migrants. He is also the most compliant candidate in regard to the globalist agenda, having promised to make the implementation of the COP 21 Paris Agreement a mainstay of France’s international politics, bowing to the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals and their demands for “reproductive rights.”

It must be said that of the 11 candidates, not one has adopted a completely coherent pro-family and pro-life stance. Le Pen, besides wanting to protect France’s identity, frontiers and security, is the only candidate willing to abolish same-sex “marriage,” albeit by “improving” civil unions for same-sex couples. On the issues of artificial procreation, surrogate motherhood and euthanasia, she has one of the better platforms, but she is not willing to protect life, having called abortion a “woman’s right” that she will not abolish.

From a personal point of view, neither candidate is in a regular marriage. Marine Le Pen, twice married and divorced, has a partner who is currently a vice president of the National Front of which she is the figurehead. Macron, while attending a Jesuit school in Amiens, fell in love with his French literature teacher, Brigitte Trogneux, when he was 16. She was 40, married and a mother to three children. Macron married her in 2007 at age 30 – she was then 54 – after having maintained a relationship with her since high school.

But perhaps the most troublesome aspect of Macron’s personality was revealed in an interview he gave about environmental issues to the World Wildlife Fund a few months ago. He referred to “the planet that made us” and called politics “a form of magic.”

“I have always taken up the vertical, transcendental dimension, but at the same time it must be anchored in complete immanence, in materiality,” he said. “I do not believe in ethereal transcendence. … I do not separate God from the rest. I make the connection between transcendence and immanence.”

It is no wonder that many voters have no idea what his political program really contains. But if words mean anything, he is a spiritualist environmentalist who fits in perfectly with the modern idolatry of “Mother Earth.” Perhaps that is the reason this improbable candidate gained so much media and political support, wiping away the French people’s discontent with socialism, their desire to protect the country from globalism and uncontrolled immigration, and hoping to render the promise held by the Manif pour tous that put millions on the streets against “gay marriage” powerless.

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One comment on “Two candidates remain in French presidential election, and both support abortion laws

  1. French Catholics divided in lead-up to second round of voting

    While some Catholics voted for Macron and Le Pen during the first round of France’s presidential election, others both on the right and the left have found themselves in a dilemma for the second round. Meanwhile, French bishops have refused to give directions preferring to recall the fundamental teachings of the Church.

    [Hat-tip to Catholic World News]

    Catholic voters have no clear-cut preference in the French presidential election, which now pits Emmanuel Macron against Marine Le Pen, according to opinion polls.
    The French bishops have steered clear of any endorsement, although in the past the bishops’ conference has indicated disapproval of Le Pen’s call for restrictions on immigration.

    Loup Besmond de Senneville and Samuel Lieven
    April 25, 2017

    “I am trapped,” sighs Gwenaël Jan, a 71-year-old retired manager with four children, the day after the first round in which he finally voted for François Fillon. “Despite the scandals, I thought he was the only one who had a program that broke with the past and placed the family at its center.”

    Jan, who has close links with the pro-family movement Sens commun and who organized meetings of the Christian Democratic Party (PCD) in his small village near Fontainebleau, summarizes his options for the second round. “Le Pen means isolation for France including exit from the euro and from Europe which would be a catastrophe for the country,” he says. “As for Macron, he is a libertarian, who will follow the same policies as Hollande at a political level and who will continue to deconstruct the family and the protection of life.” The next fortnight will be very difficult, adds Jan, who has not yet made his final choice.“Looking forward to 2022!” he added.

    Nathalie, a mother involved in community groups, feels similarly. Disappointed by Fillon’s call for voters to back Macron, she is still thinking of voting for Marine Le Pen “a little bit as a reaction”. “I am not a fan but she at least has the courage to raise issues that Macron does not face at all including immigration,” Nathalie says.

    François Leforestier, 37, a worker in the medico-social sector in Le Mans where he is involved with The Republicans, is nevertheless sure that he will not cross the blue line to vote for Le Pen. “Giving too much emphasis to identity issues will risk a civil war,” he warns. “But I refuse to cede to media pressure to make my choice. I need time to reflect and that needs to be respected.”

    The National Front “an anti-Gospel party par excellence”

    Disappointed by a scandal-stained campaign, many Catholics feel more than ever pulled in different directions in the lead up to the second round. This is the case both on the right, which most Catholics have supported for decades, as well as on the left, which is supported by a quarter of Catholics.

    Living in the suburbs of Lyon, Cyrille Frey, 40, who voted for Jean-Luc Mélenchon, is considering casting a blank vote this time. This would be a first for an environmentalist, who has always voted for the left. “Marine Le Pen promises a society based on the rejection of the other and the foreigner and a communitarian breakup,” warns Frey. “As for Emmanuel Macron, I am convinced that he will lead us into a world that will be very difficult for the most vulnerable.”

    On the other hand, Marie-Agnès Mortier, 65, from Istres in the Bouches du Rhône (Rhone delta) region, also voted for Mélenchon. A former teacher, she was attracted by his speeches in favor of “peace between peoples, equality, and justice”.

    But what about the second round? “A week or two to go I thought of casting a blank vote if the second round was between Macron and Le Pen. But on Sunday evening, I could see that the gap between them is much too narrow so I will vote Macron,” Mortier says.“The election of the extreme right would be an economic and human disaster. In my view, it is the anti-Gospel party par excellence. We need to everything possible to avoid that,” she concludes.

    The bishops are completely paralyzed

    Never has an election so clearly illustrated the splits in the French Catholic landscape even though several commentators continue to assume that the Catholic vote is entirely on the right.

    “On the left, an older generation formed by the Catholic Action movements cannot accept the liberalism embodied by Macron whereas the new left attempts to articulate social protection, openness to the world and evolution of the Church’s positions on society,” explains sociologist Philippe Portier.

    “On the right, the partisans of an identity-based Catholicism tempted to vote Le Pen nevertheless fear being cut off from the world as a result of their belonging to relatively privileged social categories,” he continues.

    Meanwhile, the bishops have refused to explicitly intervene in the debate and have not given any voting advice. This stance is contrary to 2002 when a number of them clearly called for a rejection of Jean-Marie Le Pen’s party. On Sunday, the French Bishops Conference published a statement in which no party is mentioned but which calls for “building a fairer society that is more fraternal in its diversity and more respectful of each person”.The statement pleads for “a desire for a solidarity that cannot be reduced to the narrow framework of our country”.

    “I take care not to characterize any particular program as Catholic,” explains Bishop Dominique Rey of Fréjus-Toulon. “Our role is rather to propose consistent criteria to people.”

    “The bishops are completely paralyzed,” comments Fr Nicolas de Brémond d’Ars, a sociologist at the Center for Interdisciplinary Studies on Religious Facts (CEIFR).“Given the lack of clear direction regarding the National Front, some Catholics risk passing over to Le Pen,” he warns.

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